Improving Black Student Achievement
Chapter 2
School-Related Factors and Teacher Behavior That Contribute to Low Self-Image in Students
Institutional Racism and Schools
All people display behaviors that reflect the cultures in which they live, including developing viewpoints, language and attitudes for perceiving and grouping other individuals. It is important, therefore, that educators are aware of the dominant culture's norms and values and that they develop and appreciation for the cultural uniqueness of minority students.A major factor contributing to low self-image of many Black youth is the institutional racism found in schools and society. This can be subtle yet pervasive; and it can encourage teacher and student behaviors and organizational norms that serve only to reinforce low student self-image. These behaviors and norms include the following:
- curricula, instructional strategies and teaching styles that are incompatible with a Black student's cultural preferences; absence of materials which include Black content and role models;
- stereotyping and the resulting low or negative teacher expectations;
- Academic tracking and the resulting failure to foster higher order thinking skills; and
- test bias
The possible consequences of low self-image influenced by the factors above can be a fear of failure and rejection of success. In its "Fact Sheet On Institutional Racism," the Council on Interracial Books for Children, Inc., notes that institutional racism exists in economic, government and housing institutions; in the health industry; in the media; and in educational institutions. It is often difficult to recognize because it can be "covert, indirect and sometimes unconscious." Its origins are established and respected institutional norms and societal values. Thus, all of us, White and Black alike, frequently act in ways that are socially acceptable and yet reflect long-standing discriminatory assumptions and practices. when these kinds of practices are embedded in school systems, schools can act to perpetuate the class differences and racial discrimination that are prevalent in society at large (Knowles and Prewitt, 1969).
Institutional racism creates situations in which Black students are enrolled in less challenging educational programs -- programs that are less likely to lead to the development of higher order cognitive skills and abilities. Moreover, it creates an atmosphere in which Black students receive the message that they cannot succeed (Hammond, 1985).
Studies in The Journal of Negro Education found that both Black and White teachers perceived that schools and schooling valued neatness, conformity, particular concepts of beauty or appearance, attitudes, language and behavior. Both White and Black teachers viewed Black males as most negatively "different" from the valued characteristics and White females as the most positive (Washington, 1982).
Analysis of the impact of institutional racism revealed a subtle, often subconscious cycle of self-doubt and, in some instances, an avoidance of intellectual competition among Black youth (Howard, 1987). Howard concluded that black youth respond negatively even to rumors of inferiority. These rumors, myths and innuendoes have a strong subliminal effect on the aspirations and academic achievement of Black youth.
The challenge for educators is to seek ways to eradicate institutional racism and its harmful effects. In the Dallas case of Hawkins v. Independent School District (1978), Judge Hughes called for extensive training of teachers and counselors along with "institutional and structural changes" in the Dallas public schools. Specifically, the judge concluded that institutional racism can certainly be reduced through efforts to increase teacher expectations and by providing tests and textbooks that accurately represent all ethnic and minority groups.
Schools promote institutional racism through policies which allow 60 percent of Black youth to be tracked into programs that deny them a strong appreciation for history and literature and access to higher order thinking skills (Cheyney et al, 1987). A 1987 study by the National Endowment for the Humanities found that deficiencies in knowledge of history and literature were most pronounced among students from low-income families and among those pursuing curricula designed for students not destined for college. The authors found schools fostered "class bias and elitism" by failing to offer adequate instruction in history and literature to these youth who were most at-risk (Cheyney et al., 1987).
The tragic consequence is that Black youth denied history -- their history in particular -- are "unlikely to realize their full potential" (Cheyney, 1987). Cicero wrote that "to know nothing of what happened before you were born is to remain forever a child" (Cheyney et al., 1987.)
Teaching and Learning Styles and Cultural Diversity
Both teaching and learning styles reflect the richness of cultural diversity and individual differences. Each instructional style reflects a model of learning and a particular institutional content (Marks, 1978). Educational curriculum and instructional strategies often embody particular learning styles and cultural biases. Children whose culture and learning style are reflected in the content and organization of the classroom are more likely to be highly motivated and to benefit from instruction. The way a teacher imparts knowledge can serve as a catalyst for encouraging and eliciting student achievement.Many Black youth have barely mastered the norms of their own culture when they are confronted with teaching styles that are incompatible with their accepted learning patterns (Hale-Benson, 1982). In her book Black Children: Their Roots, Culture and Learning Styles , Janice Hale-Benson Suggests that formal education has not worked for many Black youth because it has not employed teaching styles that correspond with students' learning styles.
When this incongruity between teaching and learning styles exists, Black children become less motivated and more likely to question their self-worth. When Black youth find learning difficult, they often blame themselves and/or develop animosity toward the educational environment.
Before teachers can understand and appreciate the learning styles preferred by students, it is important to understand the role culture plays in shaping learning styles. It shapes cognitive development, children's approach to academic tasks and their behavior in traditional academic settings (Hale-Benson, 1982).
Cultural conflict can occur when children have not had experiences that provide them with the kind of information that is used and valued in school. To reach all children, educators must expand their repertoire of instructional strategies to encompass the various approaches children use to learn. In writing about Black children's learning styles, Hale-Benson suggests that many Black youth employ people-oriented, relational and field dependent/sensitive approaches to learning rather than the analytical style favored in most structures. The obvious must be stressed, however: all Black children do not use the same learning style.
People-oriented learning is a learning style derived from African heritage. Because many Black youth learn in their pre-school years through extensive social interaction, some Black youth may have more difficulty than White students in settings where learning takes place primarily through the use of educational hardware, technology, books, listening stations, learning centers, television, programmed instruction, learning kits and other objects (Hale-Benson, 1982).
Because of the differences in culture, some Black youth can benefit from intensive personal interaction with teachers who provide rapport, nonverbal support and affection. Many Black and lower-income children have a need to relate the learning process to their own experience. As a result, these youth may appear over-involved in the learning process. Often, this over-involvement is perceived by teachers as disruptive (Gilbert and Gay, 1985). When Black youth are taught through a teaching style that emphasizes the objective and impersonal over the interactional and personal, their learning, achievement and academic self-images can suffer. In these cases, their cultural and style differences -- not their intelligence -- can lead to lower ability grouping.
Research indicates that a high percentage of minority children are field dependent. The field dependent or sensitive learner tends to be aware of the social and personal relevance of the learning experience. It matters to these youngsters that the materials and concepts are related to their own experience. Field independent learners, on the other hand, are more interested in concepts for their own sake. these students function very successfully in self-structured learning. They enjoy learning isolated information and they like to work in independent, teacher-centered, impersonal environments. In contrast, field dependent/sensitive learners prefer student-centered, more personal environments where learning is related to the life experiences of the student and is neither abstract nor isolated (Witkin, Goodenough, Moore and Cox, 1977). The field dependent learner prefers small group activities and thrives when allowed opportunities to exchange information with peers.
Some major differences between field dependent and field independent learners are presented in Table II (Howard, 1987).
Educators who want to reach relational, field sensitive youth will succeed by utilizing activities that facilitate social interaction and promote the use of higher order thinking skills. Research suggests that involving the class in lively group discussions, group projects and the telling of stories and personal experiences is more effective than passive, non-social drill and practice activities. Learning should begin with the larger picture that is directly related to the life experiences of the learner. Giving students a sense of a particular activity and how that activity relates to something in their life experience -- present and future -- can be a strong motivating factor for relational and field sensitive learners. Educators will find that personal compliments, praise, enthusiasm and even hugs will work wonders in promoting both the self-image and the achievement of these youth.
Table III provides some tips for offering students supportive feedback.
Teacher Expectations
"Blessed are those who expect nothing ... for they shall not be disappointed."
Too frequently, parents and teachers protect themselves by adhering to this quotation. In an analysis of research over a 20-year period, Denbo (1986) found that study after study demonstrated that both low and high teacher expectations greatly affect students performances.
Teacher expectations are particularly important in the development of positive self-images in Black students. Positive racial attitudes by teachers are associated with greater minority achievement (Forehand, Regosta and Rock, 1976). Low teacher expectations have been shown to reduce the motivation of students to learn. Perhaps the most damaging consequence of low teacher expectations is the erosion of academic self-image in students.
Black youth are more influenced by teacher perceptions than by their own perceptions (Garrett-Holiday, 1985). Black youth can be victimized by low teacher expectations, which are too often based on a teacher's preconceived notions about the potential and ability of students of a particular race, rather than on the actual performance of individual students (Williams and Muehle, 1978). These low expectations are capable of destroying egos and contributing to the loss of positive cultural and racial identity in students.
The relationship between low teacher expectations and low student self-image can be seen by analyzing the behavior of teachers toward students perceived as low achievers. Rubovits and Maehr found that Black youngsters, regardless of actual intelligence or gifted labels, are given less attention and ignored more than their White counterparts in classroom settings (1973). Jacqueline Jordan Irvine of Emory University (1985) found that:
Low expectations reinforce the belief that "no matter what I do, it won't make a difference." Teachers who more frequently use negative feedback for low-achieving students are contributing to the belief on the part of these students that effort does not influence educational outcomes (Cooper et al., 1979). Good's summary (1981) of teachers' behavior toward those students perceived as low achievers includes:
Research indicates that reversing these negative behaviors improves student achievement.
As teachers increase their expectations of Black youth, their behavior toward these youth changes. When high expectations are evident, teachers provide more support and children feel more positive about their ability and self-worth (Murnane, 1975). Specific behaviors for teachers to use to convey high expectations and develop more positive self-concepts in their students will be explored in chapter 3.
The June 1989 report by the Carnegie Council on Adolescent Development, Turning Points, found that 25 percent of 10- to 17-year-olds in the United States are extremely vulnerable to school failure. The report recommended changes in the middle school grades which included smaller, more family-like school environments and an end to tracking students by ability. The report states:
In theory, this between-class 'tracking' reduces the heterogeneity of the class and enables teachers to adjust instruction to students' knowledge and skills. Greater achievement is then possible for both 'low-' and 'high- ability' students.In practice, this kind of tracking has proven to be one of the most divisive and damaging school practices in existence. Time and again, young people placed in lower academic tracks or classes, often during the middle grades, are locked into dull, repetitive instructional programs leading at best to minimum competencies.
Black and Hispanic students are tracked in disproportionate numbers. The public school population for Blacks and Hispanics in 1980 was 24.1 percent with only 13.8 percent in gifted and talented programs (Elementary and Secondary Civil Rights Survey, 1980). On the other hand, studies indicate that Blacks and Hispanics are greatly over represented in lower ability classes and groups as well as in vocational and general tracks (Harrischefeger and Wiley, 1980).
Students placed in low ability classroom groups or tracks, where they know they are perceived as low achievers, are not challenged to do their best. Since higher order thinking skills are developed in higher ability groups and basic skills in lower ability groups, this system of sorting and labeling students is slowly contributing to a class-based society that could eventually become as rigid as any in the world (Benham-Tye, 1984).
For high-achieving Black and Hispanic students, academic tracking also has detrimental effects. These students often find themselves with few minority classmates and a sense of isolation from their community. They are frequently treated as "exceptions," furthering the sense of low expectations as the anticipated "norm" for their racial/ethnic peers.
Many experts have documented the negative social and academic outcomes created by tracking (Bracey, 1987). It has been viewed as a major contributor to "mediocre schooling." According to Oakes (1986), tracking produces the following consequences:
Heterogeneous grouping does not mean that teachers should teach to the slowest student in the group (Benham-Tye, 1984). If done correctly, heterogeneous grouping has the advantage of being more truly democratic. It brings together and provides a common learning experience to students with different backgrounds, interests, cultures and plans for the future. Benham-Tye (1984) notes that the content, teaching methods, classroom climate and teacher-student interaction of heterogeneous classrooms resemble average and upper track classes. Cooperative learning strategies which utilize small, heterogeneous groups for instruction and learning have been found to result in high achievement for students at all previous "tracking" levels (Slavin, 1986; Kagan, 1989). Chapter 3 offers strategies for using heterogeneous grouping.
With frequent opportunities to develop higher order thinking skills, children are more likely to succeed when confronted with higher order questions in standardized tests. Without these opportunities, students are less likely to develop problem-solving abilities and competence in planning and anticipating consequences. Evidence shows underachieving students are self-directed, more motivated and more challenged when taught higher order thinking skills through structured curriculum (Jones, 1986). When unchallenged, these same students use less of their thinking capacity and become (or remain) underdeveloped learners. Children who are not provided higher order thinking exercises in the classroom are more likely to fail and much less likely to realize their full potential (Lawler, 1978).
Thinking has been defined as "the active process involving a number of demonstrable mental operations such as induction, deduction, reasoning, sequencing, classification and the ability to define relationships" (Sigel, 1984). Although influenced by an individual's social and cultural background, thinking skills can and must be taught.
It has been predicted that tomorrow's citizens will need higher order thinking skills even more (Brandt, 1984). Only about 20 percent of the questions currently asked by teachers facilitate the development of higher level cognitive skills; 60 percent require students to recall facts; and 20 percent are procedural (Gall, 1984).
A teacher can develop students' thinking skills in several ways. Teachers create the stimuli, the environment and the impetus that foster learning and they nurture the ability to think when they provide students with strategies to help them answer questions. Moss and Falkof (1984) note that if the objective is to have students learn how to make inferences, teachers can show them how to do so from sensory cues, visual cues and in-the-text cues. In helping minority students think, teachers should also encourage them to discuss their points of view.
According to Irving Sigel, educators should begin the process of teaching students to think by recognizing three components as critical to the teaching of thinking:
A good teaching strategy is one that builds on and refines the natural tendency of children to bring order and sense to their world. Educators should not forget that children's thinking skills, in large part, develop through their own efforts to analyze and synthesize information. The foundation for children's development is their own experience. Teachers can use their students' experience as a resource for continued cognitive and academic growth. For example, students should be encouraged to describe their own experience and contrast it with the experience of other students and/or information presented in curriculum materials. This type of activity can help students recognize the relevance of education and inspires a more active approach to learning.
The social character of children's learning is another natural feature of development that should be mirrored in school. Children's thinking skills develop as a result of both direct instruction and observation. Both types of experiences involve social encounters with other children or adults which guide the child's emerging understanding of the world. In direct instruction, an adult or other child makes an explicit effort to define, model or illustrate knowledge or skills. More frequently, however, children's concepts and thinking skills develop through associations and inferences gleaned from observing people interacting with other people and things.
In addition, according to Sigel (1984), distancing events (See Table IV) promote abstract or representational thinking skills. He defines these types of events as activities which require individuals to perceive the distance between self and the environment and between various objects in the environment. These activities, which encourage students to analyze, compare and contrast, foster the concepts and categories for abstract thinking.
Thinking involves applying cognitive skills (e.g., analysis) to knowledge or experience (e.g., historical facts) to meet some sort of objective (e.g., discuss similarities between the women's suffrage and the abolitionist movements). Our success as thinkers is related to our abilities to plan and monitor cognitive activity in relation to specific goals and to make appropriate adjustments along the way. Metacognition is the formal term used to refer to awareness and control of thinking processes. Those who persevere in problem-solving; who can think critically, flexibly and insightfully; and who can consciously apply their intellectual skills are those who are very good at managing their intellectual resources (Brown, 1978).
Sigel believes teachers could do more to advance abstract reasoning by using questioning strategies and instructional activities that require students to classify objects and events, describe similarities and differences, predict future outcomes, discern casual relations and outline plans to meet a set of objectives.
Tests such as the Stanford-Binet Intelligence Test include items that assess moral opinions and other values that reflect social class bias (Parker, 1981). In addition, most standard tests reflect other forms of biases, which are presented in Table V (Taylor, 1987). No test can be culture-free because no test can incorporate materials and skills that are common to all cultures (Lawler, 1978). The structural format of the test itself, e.g. multiple choice and timed segments, is also a deterrent for many students form diverse cultures. Lower scores of Black youth and females on such tests are more often an indication of cultural conflict than of low intelligence.
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